On Thursday, the Supreme Court handed down one of its most
important decisions in recent memory. In a stunning 5-4 vote, they elected to
uphold the Affordable Care Act, which has been arguably the biggest piece of
legislation that President Barack Obama has helped shepherd through Congress.
The bill, controversial thanks to many provisions including
the requirement that all individuals buy health insurance or suffer fines, was
saved by a vote from Chief Justice John Roberts, a conservative appointed by
President George W. Bush who stunned observers by changing his vote at the last
minute.
I have quite a few reactions to this bill, but we’ll start
with the fact that Roberts ended up siding with the four liberal judges on the
Court in upholding the law. Many conservatives today are crying “BETRAYAL” at
the fact that Justice Roberts ended up siding with the left side of the Court,
and although I do not share their anger, I do share their utter surprise.
Roberts came into the Court as a noted conservative jurist
with some serious views on freedom that definitely caused me to think of his
vote as safely on the side of overturning the individual mandate. The
revelation that he cast the deciding vote has been argued in many different
ways, but from my perspective, there is a simple reason that he ended up
supporting the bill: to protect his Court from being lumped in with the other “activist”
courts like the Warren Court and Burger Courts of the 1960’s and 70’s.
Conservatives frequently rail against those type of judicial
bodies, saying that they are taking steps beyond the Constitution to invent
freedoms out of thin air. Cases like Miranda vs. Arizona and Roe vs. Wade were
hallmark decisions passed by those Courts, but as the Court has shifted to the
right, there has been a bit of hesitation to do anything quite that
Earth-moving.
In this case, Roberts was likely convinced to uphold the
measure despite his probable objection to the individual mandate because he did
not feel it was the Court’s responsibility to overturn an act of Congress
unless there was clear Constitutional grounds to do so. He deftly avoided
politics as a reasoning behind his decision, saying essentially that the Court
is not responsible for subverting the will of those representatives that the
American people elect, and while this deflection of responsibility was probably
met with chagrin on the right side of the aisle, as an avowed left-winger I
fully embrace his views on the subject.
The truth of the matter is that I have not agreed with every
decision that the Court has passed down while Roberts has been the Chief
Justice. Biggest among those cases I oppose is the decision reached in the
Citizens’ United case, which found that corporations should have the same right
to free speech as individuals, and therefore can donate any sum of money that
they choose to whatever cause they deem necessary. This has given rise to
super-PAC’s founded by the likes of the Koch Brothers and others who have
pumped more dark money into our democracy than even the Justices could have
anticipated, and with examples like Scott Walker outraising his opponent in the
Wisconsin recall election by a 10 to 1 margin, we have already seen just how
much impact money can have on elections in these quantities.
With that being said, I am also a firm believe r in the
notion of respecting the Court’s decisions whether I agree with them or not. I
believe that firm dissent is the right of every American citizen, but there
also needs to be an appropriate level of respect levied towards the Supreme
Court. The fact that people like Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky have made
comments disparaging the Court and suggesting that their power to judicial
review is some kind of farce are absolutely ludicrous. His insinuation that
just because the Justices found the law Constitutional doesn’t mean that it
actually is sounds like a bunch of sour grapes from an elected official who
should have more class and decency than that, and it begs the question of just
how critical he would be of the Court’s powers of review gleaned from the
Marbury vs. Madison decision if Roberts had struck down the entire health care
law.
Speaking of folks who are opposed to the bill, presidential
candidate Mitt Romney reiterated his opposition to the law on Thursday, saying
that the only way that America is going to move forward on healthcare is to “repeal
and replace” Obamacare. While this looks great on a bumper sticker
(alliterative and easy to remember is pretty much a win-win), the reality is
that as Americans tune back in to the Presidential race after the summer ends,
he is going to quietly move away from this topic, but the President’s
re-election campaign would be well advised not to let him.
There is no outrunning the truth that Mr. Romney’s law in
Massachusetts was the inspiration to the current health care law, right down to
the individual mandate. If the American voting public has taught us anything in
these last few elections, it’s this: there are two things that they cannot
tolerate, which is a potential leader who is out of touch with their concerns,
and one that flip-flops on issues.
John Kerry in 2004 was felled by his waffling on issues like
the war in Iraq, and in 2008, John McCain was felled largely because of foolish
comments like “the fundamentals of our
economy are strong” and his failure to remember how many houses he owns. If
there was a candidate that the Democrats could have drawn up that better
embodies both of these characteristics, it would most closely resemble Governor
Romney.
This notion that he was for the individual mandate before he
was against it has got to be something that the Obama campaign hammers home.
Just because his party swung to the right does not mean that Romney should be
given a free pass to do so, especially if he is going to be so overtly critical
of the President’s policies on health care. No matter how hard he tries to run
away, the Obama campaign has to keep whacking him with this mallet.
In addition to keeping him accountable for coming up with
this whole idea in the first place, Romney also needs to be questioned harder
about his repeal and replace stance on the law. The repealing part of it is
pretty easy to see happening if Republicans gain the White House and majorities
in both the Senate and House, but the replacing part of it is another matter
altogether. In my eyes, there are three main options that the Romney administration
would have:
-A return to the status quo as of now, where insurers can
reject people based on pre-existing conditions and place lifetime caps on
insurance claims, in addition to getting rid of the mandate so people can
continue to live without insurance.
-Adding a public option to the proceedings to make the
mandate more palatable, which would turn off a lot of conservatives and some
liberals because of how far to the left that idea is on the political spectrum.
-Gutting Medicare and Medicaid and privatizing everything,
which would infuriate not only Democratic official but would spell complete and
total doom for the Republicans among the AARP-generation, which still holds a
huge amount of sway in the proceedings.
None of those three options is anything better than sheer
political poison, so Romney would have to come up with something more creative
than that if we were to take him seriously on his promise to replace the ACA.
Perhaps the most likely creative alternative would be to keep the laws in place
that prevent insurance companies from issuing coverage caps and compel them to
insure even folks with pre-existing conditions, but to get rid of the
individual mandate.
This idea seems like a good idea on its surface, but it
glosses over what the entire purpose of the individual mandate is, which is to
help keep costs from continuing to spiral out of control. In theory, the way it
would do so would be to cause more people to carry health insurance, and
therefore to stop rushing to the ER every time they have a cold, and then
skipping out on their hospital bill, thus driving up the price on the rest of
us who actually are covered by insurance. By getting more people to buy into
the system, the insurance companies can keep premiums at a steady pace or even
lower them, and it was that type of deal that led the companies to sign off on
the healthcare law in the first place.
The individual mandate is not a perfect idea. In fact, in
the interests of intellectual honesty, most liberals have been opposed to that
idea since the 1940’s when health care for all started to become something that
politicians were pushing for. It was originally a Republican idea, and one that
was argued for emphatically by those on the right during times like the 1994
debate on health care reform, all the way up to Romneycare being instituted in
Massachusetts during his administration as governor. Democrats were usually
opposed to this idea because of the impact it would have on families who could
barely afford to keep roofs over their heads, much less afford a monthly
insurance premium on top of it, and even President Obama was opposed to the
idea when he ran for office in 2008.
The thing that really changed liberal’s tune on this subject
was the fact that it was the only way to get insurance companies to change
their policies to be more inclusive of everyone. Seeing that opening made their
dreams of health reform a reality, and they jumped at the deal. Modern
Republicans, obsessed with courting the Tea Party movement amid their calls for
fewer taxes, immediately seized on the idea as a tax, and were opposed to it in
line with their further right sentiments.
The reality of this situation is that the individual mandate
is needed so long as our country relies on private insurance to help take care
of us. We have to be able to take steps like this that have the potential to
lower costs for everyone, and the idea of a shared burden is about as American
as you can get, despite calls of “communism” that seem to rain down at every
inference of such a spirit of cooperation. The President and the Democrats who
crafted the bill made sure that there was an expansion of Medicaid (a
government program similar to Medicare that helps cover families at or below
the poverty line), as well as creating subsidies that would help families who
didn’t qualify for Medicaid to afford their insurance premiums. In many cases,
these subsidies would cover all of their premiums, but there would still be
some folks who will suffer because of this mandate.
Even though they will be forced to pay some out of pocket
for this new insurance coverage, those folks who are going to be hit by this
need to remember one key thing. If they or a loved one were to contract a
disease like cancer, their entire financial life would be completely destroyed
if they didn’t have health insurance. They would likely go bankrupt in the
process, and all of their worries about not having enough money because of that
monthly premium would be for naught.
In addition, if they were fortunate enough to have insurance
before the ACA was passed, there would be a lifetime cap that they could
feasibly hit before their treatment was completed, and they would either have
to pay out of pocket or watch as they, or a loved one, succumbed to the disease
because of a lack of funds.
Both of these scenarios are prevented by the ACA, and with
the subsidies involved in helping obtain insurance, as well as the requirement
for businesses of more than 50 employees to carry a health insurance plan, this
is a lot more doable than some on the right side of the aisle would have you
believe. This isn’t a bill just designed to eat up your tax dollars. It is a
bill to encourage people to live healthier lives by getting screenings to
detect disease before they turn into dollar-eating monsters, and most
importantly, it should help lower the cost for all of us without turning our
doctors into lower-paid serfs with no incentive to do a good job.
That, perhaps more than anything else during the debate over
health care reform, is the biggest issue supporters of the law have faced.
There are STILL people who have the ridiculous notion stuck in their heads that
there is a death panel somewhere out there who will tell them that their
elderly grandmother will not be able to get a life saving operation because the
cost benefit is too low. That could not be further from the truth, as the bill
specifically forbids rationing of health care, or prevents spending money on
someone because of their age.
There are also folks who view this as a first step toward
socialized medicine, but the reality is that the socialized medicine this
country does have is actually quite popular. Medicare is something that senior
citizens have been zealously trying to protect ever since it came out, and
Medicaid is the same way. Private insurance companies will never sign off on
becoming wards of the state in a socialized medicine form of health care, so
all of this posturing by right wingers that this is an insidious plot is patently
absurd and should be ignored.
Perhaps most importantly of all, we need to make sure that
we aren’t jumping the gun and drawing conclusions about what exactly this bill
is going to do before it even takes effect. Most of the provisions of the bill
do not take effect until 2014, and the ones that have become law have met some
very solid support. Letting kids stay on their parents’ insurance plans until
they are 26 years old and in school has been a resounding success, and has
resulted in some very good reviews for that part of the law.
Insurance companies are also adopting particular parts of
the bill concerning eliminating caps and preexisting conditions, as well as encouraging
people to get preventative screenings for diabetes and other diseases even
before those things are mandated by law.
This all plays back into the notion that when the bill is
looked at in its individual components, they are all quite popular, with the
exception of the individual mandate. Looked at as a whole, there is still a
great deal of skepticism, largely because of the right’s aggressive campaign
against the bill.
As the provisions start becoming active, we will have a
clearer picture of the impact it is having on the American people, positive or
negative. If things work out and the bill lowers costs like it was designed to
do, then it will mark an important milestone in the mission of this country to
improve its care for its citizens. If it doesn’t, then we can always go back to
the drawing board, because that is the best thing about our democracy: we have
the power to change whatever we want whenever we want.
All that matters in situations like this is that people
display a little bit of patience, and a little bit of a desire to take the
terrible things that they hear with a grain of salt. This bill isn’t the end
all be all of the American people, and I encourage all of you to take a deep
breath before writing your next missive about how this tax will be the death of
us all.
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